வடகிழக்கு மாநிலங்களில் உள்ள வங்காளிகளை வெளியேற்றுவேன் என்று தேர்தலில் வாக்குவேட்டை ஆடியதன் பலனை இனி அனுபவிக்க வேண்டும் போல் தெரிகிறது. பங்களாதேசில் உள்ள இந்தியர்களை வெளியேற்ற வேண்டும் என்ற கோஷத்திற்கு மோடி தூபம் போட்டு விட்டார். இதன் காரணமாகத்தான் பங்களாதேஷ் பிரதமர் மோடியின் வரவேற்பை புறக்கணித்தார் என்று நம்புவதற்கு வலுவான காரணம் உண்டு, பதவிக்கு வருமுன்பே கொழுத்தி விட்ட வாய்கொழுப்பு .When Bangladesh media ran reports that Narendra Modi wants to set up a separate department in the
Home Ministry to combat "infiltration", it provoked furious reactions with many suggesting a change of regime in Dhaka. "Neither Hasina nor Khaleda can handle someone like Modi," said a tweet. Said another: "Let us also throw out the five lakh (500,000) Indians who work in Bangladesh, many on mere tourist visas." For many in Delhi, this may be news but Indian remittances from Bangladesh has grown over the years with a flow of technical manpower to that country. "Let Modi throw out India's first lady who hails from our country," said another tweet, referring to Subhra Mukherjee's ancestral village in Narail which her husband, President Pranab Mukherjee, visited during his 2013 Bangladesh tour.
One hopes Modi, a Twitter enthusiast, should have seen these tweets to understand how the "India factor" plays out in Bangladesh. While both Prime Minister Hasina and Opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chief Khaleda Zia called up Modi to congratulate him and Hasina invited him to visit Dhaka, at a popular level, there seems to be considerable unease with Modi for the 2002 Gujarat riots and his recent threats to illegal migrants from Bangladesh to "pack up and leave".
As Bangladesh's top ladies went all out to court the poster-boy of Hindutva and even the Jamaat-e-Islami congratulated Modi on his victory, the public domain, specially the vibrant Bangla blogspace, was full of angst and uncertainity over Modi's taking over as India's prime minister with such a decisive majority. The media headlines were dominated by Modi all the while. Like it or not, a regime change in Delhi looks like something has changed in Dhaka.
Hasina has a great stake in carrying forward the improved bilateral relations with India, for which she has risked so much. Not only does she expect continued Indian support for her regime to offset Western, especially US pressure, for fresh elections, she also hopes Modi can do what Manmohan Singh tried and failed - to sign the Teesta water sharing treaty and implement the land boundary agreement.
Manmohan Singh's government more than made up for the failure to sign and implement these agreements that Delhi has committed to, by strong support to ward off Western pressure Hasina faced over the Jan 5 parliament polls that the BNP-led opposition alliance boycotted. China and Russia later joined India in supporting Hasina to turn the tables on the US.
In backing Hasina, Manmohan Singh appeared as resolute as in going ahead with the India-US nuclear deal, though he could not get round Mamata Banerji on the Teesta and land boundary issues.
Hasina hopes the Modi government would value her as a strong ally for her effective crackdown on northeast Indian separatists and Islamic radicals and for addressing India's connectivity concerns and would help her deflect Western pressures for a fresh elections. Hasina would also be keen that Modi does not live up to his poll promise (which got BJP rich electoral dividends in Assam) of "pushing out Bangladeshi illegals" because any such pushback, however symbolic, would complicate bilateral relations and put huge domestic pressure on the Awami League government to get tough with India.
/economictimes.indiatimes.com
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